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Pyongyang is often used as a metonym for North Korea's leaders and the issues their policies create for the world. However, the profound internal changes rapidly transforming the city since the 1990s make Pyongyang a fascinating urban case study. This profile is an attempt to shed light on one of the most ‘mysterious’ cities in the world; firstly, through analysis of its socio-economic dynamics and, secondly, by examining its possible transformation into a post-socialist city through a comparison of its spatial characteristics with Central and East European capitals. We also consider how the city retains substantial state socialist characteristics.
South Korea has experienced many socio-political milestones since 1945 and one of these was the April 19th Revolution of 1960 (4.19 Revolution). Through analysis of sites of memory, commemorative practices and images in school textbooks, this paper demonstrates the integration of the historical memory of the 4.19 Revolution into the political nexus. The paper considers memory of the 4.19 Revolution and other moments of South Korean struggle and transformation as ‘postmemory.’ The author concludes that the 4.19 Revolution’s memory is cherished now because it helps to form South Korean national self-identity as progressive and democratic contributing to sustaining participatory civic culture.
The transition of the world order from a unipolar to a multipolar model is painful, and the West's rejection of this inevitability often leads to a confrontational reaction. The range of problems that have accumulated in the Eurasian space is quite wide, from military-political to economic and humanitarian. In order to make decisions in a rapidly changing situation, a constant comprehensive analysis of what is happening and the most accurate forecasting is necessary.The most vulnerable pain points for China are territorial disputes with India, and disputes over islands belonging with Japan and countries in Southeast Asia in the South China Sea. The U.S. is also trying to destabilize the situation in the Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region, Tibet and Hong Kong, habitually accusing the Beijing regime of human rights violations and lack of democracy.
The book is dedicated to the 100th anniversary of the Communist Party of China. It is based on unique materials from the archives of Russia, the United States and Taiwan, including personal files and dossiers of Chinese revolutionaries. Each of the articles in the collection is devoted to identifying the role of the individual in history and determining the place of the historical figures studied – the first Communists of China-in the process of formation and development of the Chinese communist movement. The collection also includes translations of the memoirs of Mao Zedong and Liu Renjing.
Since 1997, South Korea has annually held commemoration ceremonies for the victims of the Gwangju Uprising that unfolded in the capital of South Cholla province from May 18 to 27, 1980. Beginning with peaceful demonstrations of Gwangju citizens against a state of emergency imposed by the military regime of Chung Doo-hwan throughout the country, the confrontation with the authorities turned into an armed clash with a regular army. Although the Gwangju Uprising was suppressed by the government, it had a huge impact on the further development of the democratization movement, which resulted in a peaceful transition from a military authoritarian regime to a democratic one in 1987. Maintaining the memory of the Gwangju Uprising is considered today an important state task, aimed at the formation of civil society institutions in South Korean society. However, different political groups have unambiguous views on May 18 Democratization Movement. The controversy between conservatives and liberal-progressive groups over the organization of the commemoration ceremonies of the Gwangju Uprising evidence different perceptions of the recent past, as well as how maintaining the memory of this past in proper form can influence the formation of national identity. If the political career of modern liberal-progressive politicians began with participation in the movement for democratization in the 1970s-1980s, then the conservatives are more connected with those parties and political forces that ruled in South Korea during the period of military authoritarianism. Revealing the truth about violations of civil rights and freedoms by the previous administrations is regarded by conservatives as a blow to their current reputation that can weaken their political position.
The article is devoted to a topical issue - the role of Taiwan in the growing confrontation between the United States and Japan and China for influence in the APR. It is noted that Washington and Tokyo intend to further obstruct the reunification of Taiwan with the PRC, which would seriously strengthen China's position in the Pacific Ocean. Under D. Trump's administration, the United States has noticeably stepped up support for Taiwan, both in the sphere of expanding Taipei's official ties, and in supplying it with American weapons. On the whole, a line developed by Washington and Tokyo (and agreed with Taipei) to consolidate Taiwan's de facto independent existence is emerging. Beijing, however, clearly states that it will apply the necessary means in order to defend the territorial integrity of the PRC within the framework of the adopted concept of "one country, two systems."
At the end of July 1921, when thirteen Chinese supporters of Bolshevism gathered for their first congress, they proclaimed the formation of the Communist Party of China. They represented seven Chinese communist cells operating in Shanghai, Beijing, Guangzhou, Wuhan, Changsha, Jinan, and Tokyo, as well as the most authoritative leader of the Chinese communist movement, Chen Duxiu (1879-1940), who failed to attend the congress and sent a deputy in his place. At that time, the newly formed party had 58 members. And among them-only two women, including the twenty-two-year-old student of the Beijing Higher Women's Pedagogical Institute Miao Boying (1899-1929), the first of the Chinese women who joined the communist movement in early November 1920. An active propagandist of Bolshevik ideas and one of the most talented organizers of the women's and workers ' revolutionary movement in China, she lived a short but eventful life, giving all her strength to the cause of the liberation of China. The upcoming anniversary of the CCP is a worthy date to pay tribute to its memory.
The Republic of Korea has in recent decades done a great job transforming its international reputation from being poor and rural to one of a well-developed, hi-tech country, and as well it has achieved great success in the popularization of its traditional and contemporary culture worldwide. It has helped this export-oriented Asian Tiger’s economy to significantly expand the size of the global market for Korean goods and services through the effective employment of soft power.
The experience of South Korean soft power in Russia, focusing on missionary activities, the popularization of the Korean language and the institution of sister-city agreements is considered in this paper. Nowadays, South Korean business is successfully developing in Russia, growing its trade volume and investing in the economy, but it may not lead to a serious breakthrough in the relations between the two countries.
The main reason is that the perception of Russia among many South Koreans is largely indifferent or negative. Russia has a great potential to develop its own soft power in South Korea as not only classical literature, ballet, the Bolshoi Theater are popular there, but also the Russian language is also increasingly in demand. Within the studied examples, Russian soft power in action can be seen in the twin-cities relationship between Vladivostok and Busan, which should be considered a successful endeavor, as the Russian city supports cultural activities to raise awareness among Koreans. Indeed, other directions should also be developed in more active way.
The enhancement of Russian soft power in the Republic Korea is expected not only to foster a variety of potential relationships between the two countries, but also to establish the Korean Tiger as one of the key partners in the Russian turn to the East.
The article examines the fatwas and rulings of several Islamic institutions in the Arab world and European countries. The dramatic changes in the lifestyle of people that were caused by the coronavirus (social distancing, limitation of contacts, disruption of the usual way of life, etc.), inevitably had to be reflected in such sources. The main research question is related to how the positions of key Islamic legal institutions differ (if they differ) regarding the situation with the coronavirus and whether there is a dependence of the positions of these institutions on their location. In this material, a review of some of the sources was made, while manual content analysis was applied to the other part of the sources. We also intended to find out which topics worried Muslim scholars most of all, as well as in which way - religious or secular - they most often covered their positions on everything related to the coronavirus. In the course of the study, lexical analysis of sources was also carried out: it was interesting for us to see how often specific legal vocabulary was encountered in the sources we analyzed - a sure sign that the text transmitted with its use has legal authority in the Muslim world.
The May 18 Democratic Uprising in Gwangju is one of the most tragic events in South Korean history. Beginning with peaceful demonstrations against the imposition of a state of emergency by the Chung Doo Hwan military regime across the country on May 17, the use of firearms by the Korean army against protesters led to an escalation of the conflict, armed resistance of Gwangju citizens to the authorities. After the suppression of the uprising, preserving memory of it became a significant task of the democratic movement.
Over the past 40 years, the policy of remembering the Gwangju Uprising has undergone significant changes. At present, the memory of Gwangju is maintained through regular commemoration ceremonies organized by the government in the largest cities of the Republic of Korea on May 18 annually, the creation of memorial complexes, memory societies, and school education.
Literature and cinematography play an important role in preserving the memory of the Gwangju uprising. Based on the analysis of 1980s literature and contemporary cinema, the article shows which themes and images about the Gwangju Uprising are dominant today, and why it has a special place in the national identity of Koreans. South Korean cinematography shows the Gwangju Uprising as a historical tragedy and tries to reconcile both sides of the conflict - citizens and soldiers.
Traumatic memories of May 18 are like an open wound that can be neither forgotten nor neglected through generations. In South Korean movies, survived participants of the Gwangju uprising still suffer from post-traumatic syndrome while former soldiers cannot get rid of the guilt that destroys their identity and life.
The Mediterranean region has faced a significant number of challenges that have stemmed from turbulent events taking place on its Southern shores: conflicts and instability, the migration crisis, disruptions of regional value chains, souring regional relations, and foreign power interferences that have severely affected the region. The Covid-19 pandemic wreaked havoc on the Southern Mediterranean, but the health crisis had ambiguous effects on the underlying economic, social, and political trends of the region. It has exposed and exacerbated much of the previous sources of tension and, obscured many of them as public attention moved towards facing the public health emergency. Will the Covid-19 pandemic spur governments and civil societies to action? Or will it just serve as another smokescreen behind which to hide the region's longstanding problems?
The global order, based on international governance and multilateral trade mechanisms in the aftermath of the Second World War, is changing rapidly and creating waves of uncertainty. This is especially true in higher education, a field increasingly built on international cooperation and the free movement of students, academics, knowledge, and ideas. Meanwhile, China has announced its plans for a "New Silk Road" (NSR) and is developing its higher education and research systems at speed. In this book an international and interdisciplinary group of scholars from Europe, China, the USA, Russia, and Australia investigate how academic mobility and cooperation is taking shape along the New Silk Road and what difference it will make, if any, in the global higher education landscape.
Opening chapters present the global context for the NSR, the development of Chinese universities along international models, and the history and outcomes of EU-China cooperation. The flows and patterns in academic cooperation along the NSR as they shape and have been shaped by China's universities are then explored in more detail. The conditions for Sino-foreign cooperation are discussed next, with an analysis of regulatory frameworks for cooperation, recognition, data, and privacy. Comparative work follows on the cultural traditions and academic values, similarities, and differences between Sinic and Anglo-American political and educational cultures, and their implications for the governance and mission of higher education, the role of critical scholarship, and the state and standing of the humanities in China. The book concludes with a focus on the "Idea of a University"; the values underpinning its mission, shape, and purpose, reflecting on the implications of China's rapid higher education development for the geo-politics of higher education itself.
This book examines the Chinese model of modernization in three key fields – economic, political and military. The explanations provided here, prepared by Russian analysts, are original because of the authors’ first-hand knowledge of China and their unique professional experience. They share essential insights on China’s model of modernization and its connections to both policy and practice. Focusing on the most vital issues surrounding modernization, and on its impacts on the most important spheres in China, the book offers a valuable asset for the analytical and policy-making community.
This book develops the concept of China’s model of modernization in three key fields – economic, political and military. Explanations of the Russian analysts are original because of their first-hand knowledge of China and their unique professional experience. It is an original research product, it has insights on the issue of China’s model of modernization, and it is related to policy and practice and touches upon policy as well as practice. The book concentrates on the most important issues of modernization. The book has an impact on analytical and policy-making community because it explains the key issues of China’s modernization and its consequences in the most important spheres.
This paper proposes a methodological approach to analyzing the evolution of the stability of socioeconomic systems and to assessing the risk of their possible destabilization based on the use of mathematical modeling methods. In this paper, a basic model is presented allowing us to describe the joint dynamics of processes in the economic, organizational, and sociopsychological areas of society. The model shows at what parameters of the socioeconomic system its steady functioning is possible, and at which it is impossible. It is shown that the transition from its steady state to an unsteady one is not smooth but occurs as a leap. This methodology is applied to the analysis of stability and change in the Egyptian socioeconomic system after 2010.
Eastern Syriac mystical writers in describing the way of the solitude leading to the state of Union with God used different Syriac words meaning ‘face’(appē, quḇlā and parṣōpā).The usage of the idea of ‘face’ in the mystical theology has been predefined by the medical and theological (trinitarian and especially Christological) usage. In theology face was an expression of the idea of person (qnōmā) and was used to denote God in relation to a Man. Syriac Gallenic medicine knew that the face was an external expression of the brain conveyed by nervous impulses. In the ascetical thought of the Eastern Syriac mystics face of the man expressed sorrow (contrition) or joy (sense of the Union) – main emotions of the ascetic. In the highest mystical sense the ‘Face’ as in theology is a metaphor for the Encounter with God. This is the last and the highest goal of the human. An ascetic is dealing with his physical face as with a part of the self, an object to transfigure or efface. The goal is to make of it a reflection of eternal light or joy, which accompanies the ascetic toward the last stage of the Union with God which is called ‘Seeing God’s Face’.
The author sorts out the cultural world view motives which caused the appearance of Russian translation of the Chinese Taoist classical text “Dao de jing” at the turn of 20th century, shows the peculiarities of this translation made by Konishi Masutaro, a Japanese follower of Leon Tolstoi, with the assistance of Tolstoy by himself, indicates the mistakes and slanted interpretations, compares different versions of this translation, the comments to it. As it is shown, at that time the interpretation of Chinese culture was becoming the way to manifest someone’s own spiritual search for Konishi, the representative of the East Asia culture, who saw new compass in Christianity and after that in Tolstoy ideas, for the Russian classic himself, who intented to use the Chinese philosophy as an ally in his confrontation with the Christian doctrine, and for those Russian intellectuals who believed that it is important to determinate the place of their own spiritual culture among other traditions.
While the Libyan crisis has been on and off the frontpages of the international agenda, it is often linked to Russia every time it hits the headlines. Whether the issue rotates around political toing and froing or military tales of the frontline variety, Russia is bound to be somewhere in the heart of the discussion. Of late, a few new dimensions have been added to the Libyan file, of which Turkey and Covid-19 are the most pressing. What exactly does Russia do in the complicated Libyan environment? How does this correlate with the Turkish attempt to gain a foothold in this North African and Mediterranean country? Such questions, and the related commitments and developments on these matters, are the focus of this piece.